I also outline mechanisms that are triggered by political pacts after intrastate conflict. Costly Democracy makes the case that the preferences of domestic elites are greatly shaped by the costs they incur in adopting democracy, as well as the leverage that peacebuilders wield to increase the costs of non-adoption. It is methodologically rigorous-a model of structured comparative case study analysis-and is written with admirable clarity. Often, extensive policy reform is part of the peace process, including but not limited to the reform of political institutions and processes. Author: Christoph Zürcher; Carrie Manning; Kristie Evenson; Rachel Hayman; Sarah Riese; Nora Roehner Publisher: Palo Alto : Stanford University Press, 2013.
Although the book has six authors, this is not an edited volume disguised as a monograph. Edited by Zürcher Christoph , Manning Carrie , Evenson Kristie D. Readers who only casually follow current events can quickly point to several examples that reinforce this point: Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's sectarianism in Iraq or President Hamid Karzai's political maneuvering in Afghanistan immediately spring to mind. Implicit in this understanding of peacebuilding is the assumption that the preferences of peacebuilders and domestic elites are hardly ever aligned. ³ Among those governments that miss the mark, three are classified as fully authoritarian and four as electoral authoritarian—that is, ruled by autocrats who allow some form of multiparty elections that they almost certainly win by a comfortable margin. It advances a new and important theory and develops a framework of analysis for understanding the peace-building process that has significant implications for both scholarship and public policy. It reveals that, while domestic elites in postwar societies may desire the resources that peacebuilders can bring, they are often less eager to adopt democracy, believing that democratic reforms may endanger their substantive interests.
We benefited from the help of Amichai Magen when creating the research design. And what is the role of peace-builders in both failed and successful postwar democratic transitions? Dilemmas are also activated when actions taken in the name of peace have negative effects on democratization. Nora Roehner is an advisor for the government of Afghanistan in Kabul. Costly Democracy offers comparative analyses of recent cases of peacebuilding to deepen understanding of postwar democratization and better explain why peacebuilding missions often bring peace, but seldom democracy, to war-torn countries. The Legacy of War 4. We would also like to thank participants of workshops in Madrid, Stanford, and Berlin for valuable comments and suggestions. Stanford University Press Stanford, California © 2013 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University.
As cases from Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Timor, Rwanda, Namibia, Mozambique, and Tajikistan show, domestic elites in postwar societies may desire the resources--both material and symbolic--that peacebuilders can bring, but they are less eager to adopt democracy because they believe democratic reforms may endanger some or all of their substantive interests. Although peacebuilding might not work as it is intended, in the conclusion, we argue that it is better than the alternatives and propose a more realistic measure of peacebuilding success. Major multinational peacebuilding missions after 1989: Democratic transition outcomes. Using democratization as the cornerstone of peace, then, is an enterprise fraught with peril. More Info Peacebuilding is an interactive process that involves collaboration between peacebuilders and the victorious elites of a postwar society.
This exercise convinced us none of these usual suspects typically used to explain the success or failure of peacebuilding missions had a clear, direct influence on the trajectory of democratization efforts. Together, seven of the nine case study authors drafted a set of four papers to be presented as a panel at the 2009 annual meeting of the American Political Science Association in Toronto. Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, and Nora Roehner. First, we feel that these approaches, whether they refer to the general difficulties of postwar democratic transitions or to their faulty implementation, do not add up to a systematic explanation of the causes for success and failure of postwar democratic transitions. Costly Democracy makes the case that the preferences of domestic elites are greatly shaped by the costs they incur in adopting democracy, as well as the leverage that peacebuilders wield to increase the costs of non-adoption.
We include only missions deployed for six months or longer and that count at least 500 military personnel in the field. Costly Democracy makes the case that the preferences of domestic elites are greatly shaped by the costs they incur in adopting democracy, as well as the leverage that peacebuilders wield to increase the costs of non-adoption. While one of the most prominent assumptions of the peacebuilding literature asserts that the interests of domestic elites and peacebuilders coincide, Costly Democracy contends that they rarely align. Costly Democracy offers comparative analyses of recent cases of peacebuilding to deepen understanding of postwar democratization and better explain why peacebuilding missions often bring peace, but seldom democracy, to war-torn countries. Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, and Nora Roehner. It is an outstanding book that deserves to be read widely. But until very recently the importance of domestic political actors, particularly as political actors, has been neglected in both scholarly and policy studies.
Beyond the aforementioned difficulties of democratic transitions, some scholars assume that poor implementation is also at the root of mission failure. These few examples the list goes on underscore that none of the factors that are thought to explain failure or success are consistently and systematically associated with a particular outcome. We part with this assumption. Isbn 9780804781978 Isbn Type cloth : alk. A dilemma is a trade-off situation, where usually the choice is between two bad things. The evidence for successful postwar democratic transitions is not encouraging: Since 1989, the international community has launched nineteen major peacebuilding operations see Table 1. Some missions brought democracy despite a long and bloody war Mozambique , while others did not, despite relatively brief periods of hostility Kosovo.
Synopsis Peacebuilding is an interactive process that involves collaboration between peacebuilders and the victorious elites of a postwar society. Responsibility: Christoph Zürcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie D. Multiple simultaneous missions are collapsed into a single observation. The detailed and deep case studies evidently expose the outer limits of outsiders' ability to use aid and assistance to promote democracy in societies emerging from conflict. The authors of Costly Democracy offer a profound reminder that even when systemic and historical forces are at work, individuals driven by their interests, their fears, their ambitions, and their emotions remain at the center of how a society shapes itself. War-torn societies entering the path toward democracy and peace face the challenge that efforts to achieve one of these desirable goals can have negative effects on the other.